Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird <p style="text-align: justify;">Journal of Contemporary International Relations and Diplomacy is a university-based academic and peer-reviewed journal, domiciled in the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, College of Social and Management Sciences, Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. The journal welcomes rigorous-researched original articles that are theoretical, empirical/policy-oriented in diverse areas of International Relations and Diplomacy, as well as cognate disciplines. Apart from the journal-level digital object identifier (DOI)<a title="JCIRD" href="https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/index">&nbsp;https://doi.org/10.53982/jcird</a>, all papers which are available online on open access basis have individual permanent digital identifiers. Submission of articles to JCIRD implies that the work has not been published previously and is not under consideration in any other journal. JCIRD is published on a bi-annual basis.</p> en-US <p>Except otherwise stated, authors hold the copyright for all pulished articles.</p> obikaezevc@abuad.edu.ng (Dr. Chibuike Obikaeze) adegbileroii@abuad.edu.ng (Idowu Adegbilero-Iwari) Tue, 01 Jul 2025 13:40:53 +0000 OJS 3.3.0.13 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 External Powers and North Korea-South Korea Diplomatic Relations: Re-Visiting Historical Context of the Koreas Geo-Political Confrontations https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1574 <p>The diplomatic landscape between North Korea and South Korea since the cessation of the Korean War in 1953 has been continuously influenced by the interplay of external powers, entrenched in a complex web of geopolitical dynamics and confrontations. The establishment of the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) along the 38th parallel lines marked the beginning of a persistent state of tension and conflict. This is further complicated by the interests of major global powers such as the United States, China, Russia, and Japan. This paper examined the influence exerted by these external actors on the diplomatic security relations between North Korea and South Korea, spanning from the Cold War era to the present time. By integrating the Complex Interdependence Theory as an analytical framework, the research adopted qualitative-descriptive method and content-analysis technique, thereby relying on primary and documentary sources. The findings revealed that the interventions of external actors have played a complex role in shaping the security trajectories of the Korean Peninsula, as well as having significant impact on the diplomatic and trade relations between the Koreas. Consequently, there have been persistent mutual distrust and conflicting national interests which have profoundly exacerbated the ongoing security tensions between the two nations. The study recommended for a renewed and vigorous denuclearization ‘back-door’ diplomacy, at the instance of the United States and Western Great Powers, as well as enhanced bilateral economic cooperation between the two nations</p> Chibuike V. Obikaeze, Favour O. Okwori Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1574 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000 Multiplier Effects of the Israeli-Hamas War on other Armed Non-State Actors in the Middle East https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1573 <p>This paper examines the multiplier effects of the Israeli-Hamas war on non-state actors, emphasizing how the conflict has reshaped regional security dynamics and militant strategies. Situating the study within Conflict Diffusion Theory and New Wars Theory, the research explores how the war has not only escalated hostilities between Hamas and Israel but has also influenced broader geopolitical alignments, radicalization patterns, and proxy engagements in the Middle East. The study employs a qualitative analytical approach to interrogate how the war has served as a catalyst for the expansion of asymmetric warfare tactics, ideological mobilization, and external state sponsorship of militant groups. Several interrelated conclusions emerge from the analysis. First, the war has enhanced Hamas's strategic visibility, legitimizing its role as a resistance movement despite suffering significant military losses. Second, the conflict has provided a tactical and ideological blueprint for other violent non-state actors (VNSAs), including Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran-backed militias, enabling them to expand their operational scope and influence. Third, the war has intensified regional proxy confrontations, disrupting the security architecture of the Middle East and challenging Western strategic interests. To mitigate these challenges, the study recommends a restructured counterterrorism approach that prioritizes intelligence-driven operations over broad military campaigns, an internationally mediated diplomatic framework for Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and targeted humanitarian interventions to prevent Gaza’s collapse into a perpetual conflict zone.</p> Iroro S. Izu Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1573 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000 Globalization Democracy and the Arab Spring in Libya https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1575 <p>This study explores the impact of globalization on democracy and democratization in post-Arab Spring Libya. While the 2011 uprising was fueled by aspirations for political freedom, justice, and inclusive governance, it ultimately resulted in state collapse, militia dominance, and prolonged instability. Using qualitative content analysis based on secondary data—including academic literature, policy documents, and media reports—the study critically investigates how global forces shaped both the revolutionary moment and the trajectory of Libya’s failed democratic transition. Anchored in Structural Realism and Democratic Transition Theory, the paper argues that Libya’s democratization crisis reflects both internal institutional fragility and external geopolitical contradictions. Specifically, it demonstrates how international interventions promoted regime change without ensuring the foundational support necessary for democratic consolidation. The findings reveal that fragmented political authority, weak institutions, and the strategic interests of global and regional actors obstructed the development of an inclusive political order. The study contributes to the scholarship on post-conflict democratization by emphasizing the limits of externally driven transitions in fragile states. It recommends an institutionally grounded, context-sensitive approach to democratization that prioritizes local ownership and long-term governance development. Libya’s experience offers a critical case for understanding the paradoxes of globalization and the contested outcomes of democracy promotion in the Global South.</p> Abraham B. Ayanda Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1575 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000 Migration Governance and Border Security in Northeast Nigeria https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1576 <p>Migration governance and border security are critical aspects of national security. Migration is a dynamic feature of population distribution and has the potential to jeopardize national security if not well-managed. Nigeria's security is threatened by transnational organized crimes, including irregular migration and the proliferation of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) due to the nature of the country's boundary contingency. There is a dearth of a multi-layered approach that includes surveillance technology, personnel, and infrastructure to handle border security challenges in Nigeria. This study analyzes the relationship between migration governance and border security in Nigeria. The study adopted Everett Lee’s theory of migration, while relying on documentary method for data collection and were analysed qualitatively. The study argued that irregular migration sustained by an expansive border, a lack of manpower, and corruption undermined border security in Northeast Nigeria. Weak enforcement of trans-border agreements, limited cooperation between Nigerian security forces and law enforcement officers in neighboring states, and poor border security funding accounted for the rise in the proliferation of SALW in Northeast Nigeria. To regulate irregular migration into the Northeast, Nigerian government should provide adequate manpower, training, incentives, and equipment for the grooming of efficient and uncompromising border security agencies.</p> Sylvia Chinaza Ogbue, Celestine Ogechukwu Okafor, Ruth Obioma Ngoka Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1576 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000 The Legal and Diplomatic Implications of France’s Security Disengagement from the Sahel: A Case Studies of Niger, Mali, and Burkina-Faso, 2021–2024 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1577 <p>This study critically explored the shifting landscape of diplomacy, security cooperation, and foreign policy realignment in Niger, Mali, and Burkina-Faso following France’s military withdrawal from the Sahel region. The study is justified by the need to examine emerging geopolitical realignments amid growing anti-French sentiments and increasing regional security challenges. The core problem addressed lies in understanding the implications of France’s exit on regional stability and the rise of new partnerships, particularly with Russia and regional bodies like ECOWAS. The research was guided by four objectives and corresponding questions, focusing on public perception of France’s withdrawal, the regional security outlook, the realignment of foreign alliances, and the impact on diplomatic relations. Grounded in dependency theory, the study explained how colonial and neo-colonial dynamics have influenced present-day diplomatic orientations and the shift toward sovereign-led partnerships. The scope covered selected urban populations across the three countries. Using a mixed-methods approach, both quantitative and qualitative data were collected from a total sample of 750 participants, with 250 respondents from each country. Data analysis revealed growing public discontent with France’s presence, increased support for Russian involvement, and a desire for regionally-driven security solutions. Despite fears of a security vacuum, the study found a strong preference for post-colonial autonomy and diplomatic diversification. Recommendations include strengthening regional security mechanisms, promoting sovereign foreign policy decisions, investing in local capacity, and critically monitoring new alliances. In conclusion, the study highlighted the transformative potential of the Sahel’s diplomatic trajectory, stressing the need for localized solutions and sustainable international relations beyond traditional colonial legacies.</p> Emmanuel Selome Fasinu, Stephen Adewale Aseseke, John Adakole Eloche Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1577 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000 The United Nations at 80 Years of Existence: The Achievements and Challenges in Global Peace and Security in the 21st Century https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1578 <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> <p>Lecture Delivered by Ambassador Usman Sarki, Former Deputy Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the United Nations, New York.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>At the 8th Edition of the Diplomatic Dialogue Series organised by the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Afe Babalola University, Ado-Ekiti, Ekiti State, Nigeria</p> <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> <p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p> Usman Sarki Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1578 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000 Cartographies of Exploitation: Multi-Scalar Governance and Structural Violence in Nigeria’s Child Trafficking Networks https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1579 <p>This study interrogates the structural and geopolitical determinants of child trafficking in Nigeria, situating the phenomenon within globalized circuits of informal labour and the logics of structural violence. Employing a mixed-methods design—comprising geospatial analysis, 600 household surveys, and 32 semi-structured interviews across Benue, Edo, Borno, and Lagos States—the research uncovers trafficking’s spatial concentration in infrastructurally neglected rural hinterlands, peri-urban margins, and high-mobility transit corridors. Poverty is identified as the primary structural driver, exacerbated by chronic unemployment, educational disenfranchisement, and multi-dimensional precarity. The study foregrounds the role of contested multi-scalar governance: while institutions such as NAPTIP operate within formal legal frameworks, traditional authorities often exercise competing normative power, reproducing culturally sanctioned forms of complicity. Typologies of trafficking uncovered reflect Nigeria’s insertion into transnational labour markets, with victim trajectories frequently culminating in the Gulf States and Europe—underscoring the embeddedness of global capital in exploitative shadow economies. Rather than framing trafficking as discrete criminal deviance, the study theories it as an epiphenomenon of deeper structural pathologies: spatial injustice (the peripheralisation of rural zones), normative complicity (entrenched patriarchal clientelism), and systemic developmental exclusion. The study calls for spatially differentiated and survivor-centered policy interventions that integrate anti-poverty frameworks, devolved governance mechanisms, and locally anchored accountability systems. Ultimately, it argues for a reconstitution of Nigeria’s global political-economic entanglements—via SDG-aligned cooperation and robust enforcement of the Palermo Protocol’s transnational justice provisions—as preconditions for dismantling the generative mechanisms of child trafficking.</p> Omonye Omoigberale, Emmanuella Anyanwu Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0 https://journals.abuad.edu.ng/index.php/jcird/article/view/1579 Tue, 01 Jul 2025 00:00:00 +0000